Saturday, December 8, 2012

A Sketch of A Visit To The Supreme Court


A Sketch of A Visit To The Supreme Court

Up at 3:45 A.M. At the Supreme Court by 5:45 A.M. A cold, windy day, with a hint of rain—the sun not up and the clouds grey in the sky. The court building, still under scaffolding, was illuminated slightly by a yellow street lamp. The Capital building dome glowed in dark, across the street.

This was where Martin Luther King Jr. stood. This was where cases of great import were made. Here all the foolishness and triumph of laws and interpretations. Here all the intricacies of legal argument, making life or death decisions.

I was the first at the line, waiting under a leafless tree. The next people arrived within the next fifteen minutes—two young Democratic staffers for a New Jersey Senator. We talked politics for  hours as we waited in line—the fiscal cliff, California legislation, human nature, abortion rights. Dozens more people began to line up behind us. By 7:00 A.M., we were cold and tired, and the security guard finally started handing out tickets saving our place in line.  

We went through airport-style security, then glimpsed the elegant marble-lined walls underneath the Supreme Court building. Bronze doors and elevators, winding marble staircases, and stern statues of former Supreme Court justices greeted us.

But the wait was a let-down. I sat with the Senate staffers and a political science student in the basement cafeteria. Talking about Scottish politics, favorite Supreme Court Justices, and swapping stories is only fun for so long. By 8:30 a.m., we were ready to go, and lined up in numerical order in the white hallways. Lawyers and reporters in suits and business dresses walked up the stairway to the Supreme Court.

We caught sight of the plaintiff in the case, a member of the armed forces, dressed in the blue uniform, with full colors on his breast and sergeant stripes on his arm. A group of red-headed children were escorted up the stairs—perhaps relatives of the family.

Seeing the children brought him the magnitude of this custody case. The father, in the U.S. military, had met the mother in Scotland. The came to America, but had a bitter divorce. Their young daughter was caught up in the custody battle. A district court found that the child’s habitual residence under a Hague Anti-Abduction Treaty, was in Scotland. It denied the father’s request for a stay. The mother left, with daughter in tow, that same day. They have lived in Scotland ever since, but the father wants a right to appeal the district court decision. This case would decide whether he could make that appeal.

Finally, by 9:15 a.m., our time comes. The theater-style velvet rope is pulled back, and we ascend the pale staircase, under rows and rows of intricately-veined stone arches. The thrill of the experience blurs it all together, making the experience surreal.  I run to put my bag and coat into a locker, place in a quarter, pull the key, and run back to the court hall.

The main hall is grand, with massive pillars in rows, supporting a vaulted ceiling covered with designs and flourishes. The floor is marble, the walls are marble, the statues are marble—everything is marble. A ten foot high bronze double door stands at the front of the hall, at the other, another high door, with rich red tapestries draped along each side.  I run towards the door, wanting to be first in the courtroom.

After another run through air-port style security, this time with more vigor, I stand first in line, and hand my ticket to the usher. I finally enter the Supreme Court room.

The square ceiling is full of light, carved all around with stone images of lawgivers throughout history. Flowers and ferns and bright colors adorn the flat roof. Giant red velvet tapestries are draped all around the room, framing the long brown podium, behind which sit nine black empty chairs. Lawyers and family members fill the room, and we are seated in the last two rows.

The seating is on pews or chairs—the view is all flat. I try to look around a woman’s large hair, and around a man’s shoulders. You can still see, but not without effort.

After another forty minutes waiting in the courtroom, a sound chimes, we all stand, and voice cries out “Oyez, Oyez, Oyez!” and announces the arrival of the Justices of the Supreme Court.  Roberts in the middle maintains a mild equipoise. Ginsburg and Scalia are both small—Ginsburg tiny and hunched, Scalia red-faced with bushy eyebrows. Kennedy is non-descript, Breyer bald and expressive, Alito serious and long-faced. Thomas is white-haired and looks tired. Kagan, looking smooth-faced and young in comparison to the rest, bookends the court with a bag-eyed Sotomayor on the other side of the bench.

Counsel for the father begins oral argument, followed by the Scottish-accented representative of the other side. All the Justices grill the Scottish counsel, who emphatically declares that there is “zero” remedy that could be offered in this case. Counsel for the father seems more nuanced, more strategic, emphasizing that even the possibility of a remedy would avoid mootness. A representative for the United States also strongly argues for the right of the father to appeal. 

Ginsburg immediately questions the counsel, and continues to aggressively argue for the mother’s side. She seems to see no remedy possible in this case, to the detriment of the child. Further appeal could shuttle the child back and forth between countries, against the purposes of the treaty. Sotomayor calmly attempts to elicit her point- that this proceeding would simply provide an opportunity for American courts to decide on this issue, which could then influence Scottish proceedings.

 Alito seems to agree, although he questions the practical purpose of the return. Kennedy also enters into the debate at times-- I admit that I do not remember what he said. Kennedy has such a bland character and style-- neither mild nor passionate-- he is easy to overlook and forget. 

Scalia, true to character scrunches up his face, continually saying “that’s all very nice, but how does it relate to this case?” He grills counsel for not answering his question. He rolls back in his chair and looks pained whenever someone makes a point that he does not understand or agree with. Roberts asks a mild but pointed question about the costs associated with this case—would not those be a remedy that would avoid making this case moot? Roberts continues with soft-spoken, clearly articulated, and difficult questions, and listens quietly to the answer. 

Breyer finally enters the fray, making wry comments that make the audience laugh. He argues both sides of the case, at times. He points out that the piece of paper from the American court could be of benefit to the Scottish custody proceedings. Yet the 18 months that have passed may make the question of habitual residence moot. He smiles, makes a point, and encourages counsel “please tell me how I’m wrong.” Between questions, he leans back and makes Justice Thomas laugh with some off-mike comment.

Thomas, of course, makes no questions, continuing his nine-year reign of silence on the bench. Mostly he watches the speakers with mild interest. He closes his eyes and leans back in his chair. He rubs his cheeks and brow. He looks tired and uninterested.

At last Kagan enters the case, which has been dominated primarily by Ginsburg and Sotomayor. She gives the counsel two options about which case he is making. He chooses option number three, to the amusement of the audience.

At the end, it looked like Sotomayor, Alito, and Kagan were for the father, and probably Scalia. Ginsburg and Roberts were for the mother. Breyer started for the father, but started leaning towards the mother. For Thomas, there was no way to tell. This case had none of the liberal-conservative split so common in highly-politicized cases.

Over all, an incredible experience, certainly worth the wait. The ideas exchanged for sharp and engaging (for a lawyer), and the stakes were high. But the laymen in the audience were bored out of their minds—one Senate staffer even fell asleep a few times. It is certainly not for everyone. But for a lover of the intricacies of the law, it is a heady experience, and one which I am so glad to have experienced. 

Sunday, October 7, 2012

Affirmative Action

In light of upcoming Supreme Court decisions about the role of race in education decisions, here are some thoughts about affirmative action. Time to jump into the inferno!

 First, the law. Under the 14th and 5th Amendment of the United States Constitution, people must be granted "equal protection" based on race in making education admission and advancment decisions. This means that decisions based on race, even for positive reasons to support advancement of minorities, are subject to strict scrutiny by courts. Any decision based on race must be "narrowly tailored" to meet a "compelling state interest".

 However, the court has found that diversity in higher education does advance a compelling state interest. It encourages the free exchange of ideas, advancement in society, etc. They also tend to differ to the educational decisions of institutes of higher education, since courts are generaly not qualified to make technical decisions about education management. The question then is when these decisions are "narrowly tailored."

Several cases have provided specifics.Quotas based on race are impermissible. You cannot require that your admissions reflect the demographics of your state, for example. You also cannot give "points" for race. For example, you cannot give an extra +10 points out of a scale of 100 for students who are African-American. However, schools are allowed to consider race in making a holistic, individualized, whole-person admissions decision. So a school could read a personal statement describing a person's experience as a minority, look at their background, look at the current need for diversity at the school, and use race as one portion of their consideration in admitting them to the university.

 Dissenting liberal justices have commented that this type of consideration tends to give the same results as the "points" system. In reality it is a system of winks and nods that disguises a quota system underneath. They would prefer to just be honest, and allow points or quotas. They argue that without quotas or points, diversity collapses in higher education. They argue that minority students are more likely to do public service, give back to their community, and affirmative action gives a ladder to success.

 Conservative justices reject the underlying assumption that diversity is a compelling interest for education. They argue that it damages the reputation of minorities, since their presence at institutions of higher learning will always be questioned as being the result of unfair advantages. They also argue that unprepared students are being sent to university, where they flunk out or are less successful. Also, the principals of the Constitution create color-blind principals, where it is offensive to use race as a consideration for any social purpose.

 I personally think it is best to do away with use of race as a consideration in admissions in education. In California, race as a basis for affirmative action is against the state constitution. For a few years, diversity did collapse in the universities. But the admissions committees got smart-- they started using personal statements, and encouraged students to list "adversity" and give stories about poverty, struggle, discrimination, etc. They then use these stories as criteria for admission. Since many (although not all) minority students experience poverty, discrimination, etc., this is an easier way to increase diversity in society.

It also avoids the problem where the privileged or upper middle class minority student will be considered above the scrappy, discriminated against majority student. This discourages the "African princess" problem that occurs in Harvard, the U.N., etc., when race or geographic origin is the only consideration for diversity. I don't think socioeconomic status is enough. You can experience discrimination and struggle in spite of socioeconomic status. I think of many Sikh Americans, who may have Doctors for parents, but are hated for wearing turbins and growing beards, or Orthodox Jews, who may be very high income, but had a swastika sprayed on their synagogue. But that is something which you can discribe in your personalized statement-- and should.

 So I may be sponsoring a system of winks and nods, but I don't think so. I just think that the focus should be on individualized experiences of discrimination, hardship, and struggle, rather than just assuming that these are the case, based on race. I know this is a very individualistic perspective, but I think that is the best perspective for America, which is a very individualized society. Perhaps a different standard would be better for other countries (the caste system in India comes to mind, although that issue is even more complex.) But for the sake of minorities, so there is no shadow cast over their accomplishments, race should not be an explicit reason for any determinations.

 That being said, I think there are four very strong arguments that call my approach into question:

 1. Job applicants with minority names are very statistically less likely to get jobs. This systemic problem requires a systemic solution, even for rich and otherwise not disadvantaged minorities. According to this article, black-sounding names are 50% less likely to get a call-back-- for the same qualifications.

 2. Same problem for rich, middle class black and hispanic men. They are still racially profiled in driving stops, arrests, police shootings, etc.

 3. Some well-off students may not face discrimination now, but once they break into a highly segregated workplace (chemicals industry, some small businesses, etc.) they are statistically likely to experience discrimination in the future. Increased access to education, employment opportunities, etc. can help even the playing field.

 4. The history of slavery, racism, genocide, colonialism, territorial acquisition, etc. are so terrible that they justify some unfairness to the majority race and culture.

 Hey, if it was easy, it wouldn't be a difficult question, right? For the first point, I think that is a strong argument for affirmative-action hiring policies for employers. Again, this should still be in an individualized kind of review, to avoid the appearance of total reliance on race. If this degrades the accomplishments of minority candidates who were hired entirely on the basis of their experience, this might be still worth it, for the vast number of applications who would otherwise be excluded from jobs they could do well, simply based on entry-level prejudice.

 Second, affirmative action in education or employment are not the means to correct police misconduct. That is more a questions of justice system reform-- which should be a vital aspect of any police training and development program.

 Third, these highly segregated agencies may also need to engage in affirmative action. Again, this might degrade accomplishments, and reduce respect, but if the field is almost entirely inaccesible even to the best candidates, then what is there to lose? Better to have a job with doubts about your abilities, then not to even have the job at all. It is a lot of pressure, and a lot to prove.

 Finally, the history is so heart-wrenchingly terrible that something needs to be done. Social equality for historically marginalized people needs to move about fifteen places up the priority list for our national consciousness. If a qualified white candidate has a harder time because a minority candidate is given more preference, that sucks. But it also sucks if a black candidate is denied at the entry-level. Affirmative action in employment could help level that playing field, even if the cost in respect is high.

 So, in sum, I have talked myself into a personal-statement type application, with focus on adversity, for education institutions, and minority status as a positive consideration in a holistic employment hiring process for the more impersonal parts of the hiring process, and in highly segregated industries.

 Some Interesting Links:

 History of Legal Aspects of Affirmative Action in California Education: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/sats/race/summary.html 

Affirmative Action in India: 
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/08/world/asia/indias-rich-benefit-from-schools-affirmative-action.html?pagewanted=2&_r=1&hp

 Black-Sounding Names and Job Applications: http://www.cbsnews.com/2100-201_162-575685.html

Thursday, October 4, 2012

Let the blogging begin ...